Don’t fall for this Russian propaganda — even when it comes from the U.S.

Opinion Fareed Zakaria Opinion Fareed Zakaria Don’t fall for this Russian propaganda — even when it comes from the U.S. Russia’s violent aggression in Ukraine — and elsewhere along its periphery — was not provoked. March 28, 2025 at 5:45 a.m. EDTToday at 5:45 a.m. EDT 5 min

President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin shake hands at the beginning of a meeting in Helsinki on July 16, 2018. (Pablo Martinez Monsivais/AP) Steve Witkoff, President Donald Trump’s special envoy to the Middle East, now also the de facto broker of the Russia-Ukraine peace process, recently gave an interview in which he recited many of the Russian government’s talking points — plus, a gushing account of Vladimir Putin’s sterling qualities. Instead of doing a point-by-point rebuttal, I thought it would be worthwhile to provide a brief recap of the history of U.S.-Russia relations. Make sense of the latest news and debates with our daily newsletter When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, the United States, far from humiliating Moscow and isolating it, did the opposite. It tried to integrate the newly democratic state into the highest councils of global power. It eventually expanded the Group of Seven into the Group of Eight to let Russia in, even though Russia was by no stretch an advanced industrial country. International lending assistance to Moscow between 1989 and 1998 totaled about $66 billion by one U.S. government estimate. (For comparison, total U.S. aid to Israel in those days was about $3 billion per year). The collapse of the U.S.S.R. created a security vacuum in Eastern Europe. The countries of the region, long dominated — some even occupied — by Russia, were insecure and deeply suspicious of Moscow. The United States put some of them on a path to NATO membership but worked hard to address Russian concerns. It created a new organization, the Partnership for Peace, which was designed as an association between NATO, Russia and other Eastern Bloc countries. It planned joint military exercises and other such activities to build confidence between Russia and the West. Perhaps most significantly, the U.S. did not put pressure or sanctions on Russia as the Kremlin waged a brutal war in Chechnya, a Muslim republic conquered in the 19th century that was desperate to break away. Opinions on Russia Next Opinion Editorial Board If Trump wants to end the wars, he must pressure Putin and Netanyahu If Trump wants to end the wars, he must pressure Putin and Netanyahu March 19, 2025 Opinion David Ignatius Trump is nearing a sharp fork in the road to Ukraine peace Trump is nearing a sharp fork in the road to Ukraine peace March 18, 2025 Opinion Max Boot Putin doesn’t want a ceasefire. He wants Ukraine. Putin doesn’t want a ceasefire. He wants Ukraine. March 13, 2025 Opinion Max Boot Could Ukraine keep fighting even without U.S. support? Could Ukraine keep fighting even without U.S. support? February 23, 2025 Opinion Vladimir Kara-Murza In a Russia-Ukraine peace deal, one issue is beyond questioning In a Russia-Ukraine peace deal, one issue is beyond questioning February 14, 2025 Opinion Vladimir Kara-Murza, Yulia Navalnaya and Ilya Yashin We’re Russian. We know what happens when Big Tech coddles dictators. We’re Russian. We know what happens when Big Tech coddles dictators. February 3, 2025 Opinion Lee Hockstader A Russian insisted on ‘living in truth.’ He paid the price. A Russian insisted on ‘living in truth.’ He paid the price. January 17, 2025 Opinion Max Boot How to respond to Russia’s hybrid war on the West? Hybrid counterattack. How to respond to Russia’s hybrid war on the West? Hybrid counterattack. December 31, 2024 Opinion Max Boot Russia has a history of downing passenger planes — and covering it up Russia has a history of downing passenger planes — and covering it up December 27, 2024 Opinion Max Boot A Russian general’s killing in Moscow points to a worrying trend A Russian general’s killing in Moscow points to a worrying trend December 19, 2024 Opinion Hal Brands The looming Eurasian menace The looming Eurasian menace January 9, 2025 Opinion Lee Hockstader As Putin presses his hybrid war, Europe presses the ‘snooze’ button As Putin presses his hybrid war, Europe presses the ‘snooze’ button December 16, 2024 Opinion Fareed Zakaria Russia is weaker than you think Russia is weaker than you think December 13, 2024 Opinion David Ignatius Syrian rebels had help from Ukraine in humiliating Russia Syrian rebels had help from Ukraine in humiliating Russia December 10, 2024 Opinion Ani Chkhikvadze In Georgia’s capital, a new fury fuels street protests In Georgia’s capital, a new fury fuels street protests December 4, 2024 Opinion David Ignatius Trump to Putin: What’s a little covert war among friends? Trump to Putin: What’s a little covert war among friends? October 24, 2024 Opinion David Ignatius Don’t underestimate the risks of escalation over Ukraine Don’t underestimate the risks of escalation over Ukraine September 30, 2024 Opinion Erik Wemple Russian propagandists have First Amendment rights, too Russian propagandists have First Amendment rights, too September 27, 2024 Opinion George F. Will Stopping Putin in Ukraine could also arrest a slide toward World War III Stopping Putin in Ukraine could also arrest a slide toward World War III September 27, 2024 Putin came to power in late 1999. A brutal terrorist attack in Moscow, which was blamed on Chechen separatists, gave the faceless bureaucrat national support and allowed Putin to wage the savage Second Chechen War, which killed tens of thousands of civilians and leveled the Chechen capital of Grozny to the ground. Many believe that Russian intelligence was behind the terrorist attack. Since then, Putin is thought by many experts to have been behind the assassinations of most of his prominent opponents from the journalist Anna Politkovskaya to political leaders such as Boris Nemtsov and Alexei Navalny. Follow Trump’s first 100 Days Follow The key to understanding Putin’s imperial ambitions is his famous statement that the collapse of the Soviet Union was the greatest geopolitical tragedy of the 20th century. He elaborated on why: It left millions of Russians’ “citizens and fellow countrymen” outside of the motherland, he said. Putin has sought to gather back together, not the Soviet Union, but the Tsarist empire. That is why he seeks to dominate not just Ukraine, but also Belarus and the various states of Central Asia. That is why he waged war on Georgia and threatens Moldova. That is why he has complained about the status of Russian-speaking people in the Baltic republics. Central to his new Russian empire is Ukraine, which Putin has often argued is a fake country, created by the Bolsheviks. (In fact, more than 90 percent of Ukrainians voted to become independent in 1991, with large majorities voting for independence even in areas now occupied by Russia.) In his decades in power, Putin has sought to expand Russia’s sphere of influence in Belarus, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, Georgia and, of course, in Ukraine, where Russia has interfered massively, once poisoning a presidential front-runner and eventually getting a pro-Russian president elected. By 2008, Putin realized Georgia was moving closer to the West, with President George W. Bush even urging NATO to welcome its aspirations to join (even though NATO gave no concrete timetable or support). So, Putin invaded Georgia, falsely claiming that the Georgians had instigated the attack. Russia encouraged two of its provinces declare themselves independent countries. In 2014, Putin was alarmed to see that Ukraine, even under his handpicked pro-Russian president, was close to concluding an “association agreement” with the European Union. There had been no further movement toward NATO; the issue was that Ukrainians wanted to strengthen their economic ties with Europe. That led Putin to invade Ukraine, ignoring his own country’s guarantee of Ukrainian sovereignty and borders provided in 1994 when Kyiv agreed to let its nuclear arsenal — then the world’s third-largest — be destroyed. By the start of Joe Biden’s presidency, Ukraine was no closer to NATO membership. In fact, during Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky’s first meeting with him, Biden largely rebuffed Zelensky on the issue. A few months later, Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, designed to conquer the country and take its capital. The Soviet Union was the world’s last great multinational empire. Under Putin, Russia has for a decade been trying to rebuild that empire — against the desires of the people of Ukraine, Georgia, Belarus and others. Putin is on the wrong side of history, freedom and human aspirations. The tragedy is that the United States appears to have now joined his side. Russia’s violent aggression in Ukraine — and elsewhere along its periphery — was not provoked. March 28, 2025 at 5:45 a.m. EDTToday at 5:45 a.m. EDT 5 min 318 President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin shake hands at the beginning of a meeting in Helsinki on July 16, 2018. (Pablo Martinez Monsivais/AP) Steve Witkoff, President Donald Trump’s special envoy to the Middle East, now also the de facto broker of the Russia-Ukraine peace process, recently gave an interview in which he recited many of the Russian government’s talking points — plus, a gushing account of Vladimir Putin’s sterling qualities. Instead of doing a point-by-point rebuttal, I thought it would be worthwhile to provide a brief recap of the history of U.S.-Russia relations. Make sense of the latest news and debates with our daily newsletter When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, the United States, far from humiliating Moscow and isolating it, did the opposite. It tried to integrate the newly democratic state into the highest councils of global power. It eventually expanded the Group of Seven into the Group of Eight to let Russia in, even though Russia was by no stretch an advanced industrial country. International lending assistance to Moscow between 1989 and 1998 totaled about $66 billion by one U.S. government estimate. (For comparison, total U.S. aid to Israel in those days was about $3 billion per year). The collapse of the U.S.S.R. created a security vacuum in Eastern Europe. The countries of the region, long dominated — some even occupied — by Russia, were insecure and deeply suspicious of Moscow. The United States put some of them on a path to NATO membership but worked hard to address Russian concerns. It created a new organization, the Partnership for Peace, which was designed as an association between NATO, Russia and other Eastern Bloc countries. It planned joint military exercises and other such activities to build confidence between Russia and the West. Perhaps most significantly, the U.S. did not put pressure or sanctions on Russia as the Kremlin waged a brutal war in Chechnya, a Muslim republic conquered in the 19th century that was desperate to break away. Opinions on Russia Next Opinion Editorial Board If Trump wants to end the wars, he must pressure Putin and Netanyahu If Trump wants to end the wars, he must pressure Putin and Netanyahu March 19, 2025 Opinion David Ignatius Trump is nearing a sharp fork in the road to Ukraine peace Trump is nearing a sharp fork in the road to Ukraine peace March 18, 2025 Opinion Max Boot Putin doesn’t want a ceasefire. He wants Ukraine. Putin doesn’t want a ceasefire. He wants Ukraine. March 13, 2025 Opinion Max Boot Could Ukraine keep fighting even without U.S. support? Could Ukraine keep fighting even without U.S. support? February 23, 2025 Opinion Vladimir Kara-Murza In a Russia-Ukraine peace deal, one issue is beyond questioning In a Russia-Ukraine peace deal, one issue is beyond questioning February 14, 2025 Opinion Vladimir Kara-Murza, Yulia Navalnaya and Ilya Yashin We’re Russian. We know what happens when Big Tech coddles dictators. We’re Russian. We know what happens when Big Tech coddles dictators. February 3, 2025 Opinion Lee Hockstader A Russian insisted on ‘living in truth.’ He paid the price. A Russian insisted on ‘living in truth.’ He paid the price. January 17, 2025 Opinion Max Boot How to respond to Russia’s hybrid war on the West? Hybrid counterattack. How to respond to Russia’s hybrid war on the West? Hybrid counterattack. December 31, 2024 Opinion Max Boot Russia has a history of downing passenger planes — and covering it up Russia has a history of downing passenger planes — and covering it up December 27, 2024 Opinion Max Boot A Russian general’s killing in Moscow points to a worrying trend A Russian general’s killing in Moscow points to a worrying trend December 19, 2024 Opinion Hal Brands The looming Eurasian menace The looming Eurasian menace January 9, 2025 Opinion Lee Hockstader As Putin presses his hybrid war, Europe presses the ‘snooze’ button As Putin presses his hybrid war, Europe presses the ‘snooze’ button December 16, 2024 Opinion Fareed Zakaria Russia is weaker than you think Russia is weaker than you think December 13, 2024 Opinion David Ignatius Syrian rebels had help from Ukraine in humiliating Russia Syrian rebels had help from Ukraine in humiliating Russia December 10, 2024 Opinion Ani Chkhikvadze In Georgia’s capital, a new fury fuels street protests In Georgia’s capital, a new fury fuels street protests December 4, 2024 Opinion David Ignatius Trump to Putin: What’s a little covert war among friends? Trump to Putin: What’s a little covert war among friends? October 24, 2024 Opinion David Ignatius Don’t underestimate the risks of escalation over Ukraine Don’t underestimate the risks of escalation over Ukraine September 30, 2024 Opinion Erik Wemple Russian propagandists have First Amendment rights, too Russian propagandists have First Amendment rights, too September 27, 2024 Opinion George F. Will Stopping Putin in Ukraine could also arrest a slide toward World War III Stopping Putin in Ukraine could also arrest a slide toward World War III September 27, 2024 Putin came to power in late 1999. A brutal terrorist attack in Moscow, which was blamed on Chechen separatists, gave the faceless bureaucrat national support and allowed Putin to wage the savage Second Chechen War, which killed tens of thousands of civilians and leveled the Chechen capital of Grozny to the ground. Many believe that Russian intelligence was behind the terrorist attack. Since then, Putin is thought by many experts to have been behind the assassinations of most of his prominent opponents from the journalist Anna Politkovskaya to political leaders such as Boris Nemtsov and Alexei Navalny. Follow Trump’s first 100 Days Follow The key to understanding Putin’s imperial ambitions is his famous statement that the collapse of the Soviet Union was the greatest geopolitical tragedy of the 20th century. He elaborated on why: It left millions of Russians’ “citizens and fellow countrymen” outside of the motherland, he said. Putin has sought to gather back together, not the Soviet Union, but the Tsarist empire. That is why he seeks to dominate not just Ukraine, but also Belarus and the various states of Central Asia. That is why he waged war on Georgia and threatens Moldova. That is why he has complained about the status of Russian-speaking people in the Baltic republics. Central to his new Russian empire is Ukraine, which Putin has often argued is a fake country, created by the Bolsheviks. (In fact, more than 90 percent of Ukrainians voted to become independent in 1991, with large majorities voting for independence even in areas now occupied by Russia.) In his decades in power, Putin has sought to expand Russia’s sphere of influence in Belarus, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, Georgia and, of course, in Ukraine, where Russia has interfered massively, once poisoning a presidential front-runner and eventually getting a pro-Russian president elected. By 2008, Putin realized Georgia was moving closer to the West, with President George W. Bush even urging NATO to welcome its aspirations to join (even though NATO gave no concrete timetable or support). So, Putin invaded Georgia, falsely claiming that the Georgians had instigated the attack. Russia encouraged two of its provinces declare themselves independent countries. In 2014, Putin was alarmed to see that Ukraine, even under his handpicked pro-Russian president, was close to concluding an “association agreement” with the European Union. There had been no further movement toward NATO; the issue was that Ukrainians wanted to strengthen their economic ties with Europe. That led Putin to invade Ukraine, ignoring his own country’s guarantee of Ukrainian sovereignty and borders provided in 1994 when Kyiv agreed to let its nuclear arsenal — then the world’s third-largest — be destroyed. By the start of Joe Biden’s presidency, Ukraine was no closer to NATO membership. In fact, during Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky’s first meeting with him, Biden largely rebuffed Zelensky on the issue. A few months later, Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, designed to conquer the country and take its capital. The Soviet Union was the world’s last great multinational empire. Under Putin, Russia has for a decade been trying to rebuild that empire — against the desires of the people of Ukraine, Georgia, Belarus and others. Putin is on the wrong side of history, freedom and human aspirations. The tragedy is that the United States appears to have now joined his side.